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Shortly before the transformation of the Stasi into the Office of National Security the Ministry had the following structure:.

Between and , the Stasi employed a total of , people in an effort to root out the class enemy. Regular commissioned Stasi officers were recruited from conscripts who had been honourably discharged from their 18 months' compulsory military service, had been members of the SED , had had a high level of participation in the Party's youth wing's activities and had been Stasi informers during their service in the Military.

The candidates would then have to be recommended by their military unit political officers and Stasi agents, the local chiefs of the District Bezirk Stasi and Volkspolizei office, of the district in which they were permanently resident, and the District Secretary of the SED.

These candidates were then made to sit through several tests and exams, which identified their intellectual capacity to be an officer, and their political reliability.

University graduates who had completed their military service did not need to take these tests and exams.

They then attended a two-year officer training programme at the Stasi college Hochschule in Potsdam. Less mentally and academically endowed candidates were made ordinary technicians and attended a one-year technology-intensive course for non-commissioned officers.

By , some , inoffizielle Mitarbeiter IMs Stasi informants had been identified, almost 2. Full-time officers were posted to all major industrial plants the extensiveness of any surveillance largely depended on how valuable a product was to the economy [19] and one tenant in every apartment building was designated as a watchdog reporting to an area representative of the Volkspolizei Vopo.

Spies reported every relative or friend who stayed the night at another's apartment. Tiny holes were drilled in apartment and hotel room walls through which Stasi agents filmed citizens with special video cameras.

Schools, universities, and hospitals were extensively infiltrated, [24] as were organizations, such as computer clubs where teenagers exchanged Western video games.

The Stasi had formal categorizations of each type of informant, and had official guidelines on how to extract information from, and control, those with whom they came into contact.

A significant proportion of those informing were members of the SED. Use of some form of blackmail was not uncommon. Mielke believed that the best informants were those whose jobs entailed frequent contact with the public.

The Stasi's ranks swelled considerably after Eastern Bloc countries signed the Helsinki accords , which GDR leader Erich Honecker viewed as a grave threat to his regime because they contained language binding signatories to respect "human and basic rights, including freedom of thought, conscience, religion, and conviction".

The Stasi infiltrated almost every aspect of GDR life. In the mids, a network of IMs began growing in both German states. By the time that East Germany collapsed in , the Stasi employed 91, employees and , informants.

By at least one estimate, the Stasi maintained greater surveillance over its own people than any secret police force in history.

By comparison, the Gestapo deployed one secret policeman per 2, people. As ubiquitous as this was, the ratios swelled when informers were factored in: counting part-time informers, the Stasi had one agent per 6.

This comparison led Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal to call the Stasi even more oppressive than the Gestapo. In some cases, spouses even spied on each other.

A high-profile example of this was peace activist Vera Lengsfeld , whose husband, Knud Wollenberger, was a Stasi informant.

By the s, the Stasi had decided that the methods of overt persecution that had been employed up to that time, such as arrest and torture, were too crude and obvious.

It was realised that psychological harassment was far less likely to be recognised for what it was, so its victims, and their supporters, were less likely to be provoked into active resistance, given that they would often not be aware of the source of their problems, or even its exact nature.

Zersetzung was designed to side-track and "switch off" perceived enemies so that they would lose the will to continue any "inappropriate" activities.

Tactics employed under Zersetzung generally involved the disruption of the victim's private or family life. This often included psychological attacks, such as breaking into homes and subtly manipulating the contents, in a form of gaslighting — moving furniture, altering the timing of an alarm, removing pictures from walls or replacing one variety of tea with another.

Other practices included property damage, sabotage of cars, purposely incorrect medical treatment, smear campaigns including sending falsified compromising photos or documents to the victim's family, denunciation , provocation , psychological warfare , psychological subversion , wiretapping , bugging , mysterious phone calls or unnecessary deliveries, even including sending a vibrator to a target's wife.

Usually, victims had no idea that the Stasi were responsible. Many thought that they were losing their minds, and mental breakdowns and suicide could result.

One great advantage of the harassment perpetrated under Zersetzung was that its subtle nature meant that it was able to be plausibly denied. This was important given that the GDR was trying to improve its international standing during the s and 80s, especially in conjunction with the Ostpolitik of West German Chancellor Willy Brandt massively improving relations between the two German states.

After German reunification, revelations of the Stasi's international activities were publicized, such as its military training of the West German Red Army Faction.

Recruitment of informants became increasingly difficult towards the end of the GDR's existence, and, after , there was a negative turnover rate of IMs.

This had a significant impact on the Stasi's ability to survey the populace, in a period of growing unrest, and knowledge of the Stasi's activities became more widespread.

Stasi officers reportedly had discussed re-branding East Germany as a democratic capitalist country to the West, which in actuality would have been taken over by Stasi officers.

On 7 November , in response to the rapidly changing political and social situation in the GDR in late , Erich Mielke resigned.

As part of this decision, the Ministerrat originally called for the evolution of the AfNS into two separate organizations: a new foreign intelligence service Nachrichtendienst der DDR and an "Office for the Protection of the Constitution of the GDR" Verfassungsschutz der DDR , along the lines of the West German Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz , however, the public reaction was extremely negative, and under pressure from the "Round Table" Runder Tisch , the government dropped the creation of the Verfassungsschutz der DDR and directed the immediate dissolution of the AfNS on 13 January The same ministry also took guardianship of remaining AfNS facilities.

When the parliament of Germany investigated public funds that disappeared after the Fall of the Berlin Wall , it found out that East Germany had transferred large amounts of money to Martin Schlaff through accounts in Vaduz , the capital of Liechtenstein , in return for goods "under Western embargo".

Moreover, high-ranking Stasi officers continued their post-GDR careers in management positions in Schlaff's group of companies. For example, in , Herbert Kohler, Stasi commander in Dresden, transferred million marks to Schlaff for "harddisks" and months later went to work for him.

With the fall of the GDR the Stasi was dissolved. Stasi employees began to destroy the extensive files and documents they held, by hand, fire and with the use of shredders.

When these activities became known, a protest began in front of the Stasi headquarters, [76] The evening of 15 January saw a large crowd form outside the gates calling for a stop to the destruction of sensitive files.

The building contained vast records of personal files, many of which would form important evidence in convicting those who had committed crimes for the Stasi.

The protesters continued to grow in number until they were able to overcome the police and gain entry into the complex.

Once inside, specific targets of the protesters' anger were portraits of Erich Honecker and Erich Mielke which were trampled on or burnt.

Among the protesters were former Stasi collaborators seeking to destroy incriminating documents. Those who opposed opening the files cited privacy as a reason.

Pastor Rainer Eppelmann , who became Minister of Defense and Disarmament after March , felt that new political freedoms for former Stasi members would be jeopardized by acts of revenge.

They also argued against the use of the files to capture former Stasi members and prosecute them, arguing that not all former members were criminals and should not be punished solely for being a member.

There were also some who believed that everyone was guilty of something. Peter-Michael Diestel , the Minister of Interior, opined that these files could not be used to determine innocence and guilt, claiming that "there were only two types of individuals who were truly innocent in this system, the newborn and the alcoholic".

Other opinions, such as the one of West German Interior Minister Wolfgang Schäuble , believed in putting the Stasi behind them and working on German reunification.

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